An Empire of Memory: The Legend of Charlemagne, the Franks, by Matthew Gabriele

By Matthew Gabriele

Starting almost immediately after Charlemagne's loss of life in 814, the population of his ancient empire appeared again upon his reign and observed in it an exemplar of Christian universality - Christendom. They mapped modern Christendom onto the previous and so, in the course of the 9th, 10th, and 11th centuries, the borders of his empire grew with each one retelling, mostly together with the Christian East. even supposing the pull of Jerusalem at the West turns out to were powerful throughout the 11th century, it had a extra constrained impression at the Charlemagne legend. in its place, the legend grew in this interval due to a weird fusion of principles, carried ahead from the 9th century yet filtered during the social, cultural, and highbrow advancements of the intervening years. mockingly, Charlemagne turned less significant to the Charlemagne legend. The legend turned a narrative concerning the Frankish humans, who believed they'd held God's favour less than Charlemagne and held out desire that they can someday reclaim their targeted position in sacred background. certainly, well known models of the final Emperor legend, which pointed out a very good ruler who may reunite Christendom in coaching for the final conflict among strong and evil, promised simply this to the Franks. rules of empire, identification, and Christian non secular violence have been powerful reagents. the aggregate of those rules may well remind males in their Frankishness and circulate them, for instance, to absorb hands, march to the East, and reclaim their position as defenders of the religion throughout the First campaign. An Empire of reminiscence makes use of the legend of Charlemagne, an often-overlooked present in early medieval proposal, to examine how the contours of the connection among East and West moved throughout centuries, fairly within the interval best as much as the 1st campaign.

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H. Bresslau and P. Kehr, MGH Dipl. Ger. (Berlin, 1957), v, no. 94. But see Heinrici IV. Diplomata, ed. Dietrich von Gladiss and Alfred Gawlik, MGH Dipl. Ger. (Hanover, 1941), vi/1, no. 254; also no. 283. 31 Lambert of Hersfeld, Libelli de institutione Herveldensis ecclesiae quae supersunt, ed. O. HolderEgger, MGH SRG (Hanover, 1894), 38: 353. See also Bonizo of Sutri, Liber ad amicum, ed. ), Karl der Grosse und das Erbe der Kulturen (Berlin, 2001), 248. 32 Only when the succession to the throne had been stabilized and the Capetians firmly established could those sympathetic to the Capetians begin to reach out to the Carolingian past.

See Hagen Keller, ‘Die Ottonen und Karl der Grosse’, Zeitschrift des Aachener Geschchtsvereins, 104–5 (2002–3), 79. ), Frankland: The Franks and the World of the Early Middle Ages (Manchester, 2008), 191–208. 25 Hauck, ‘Ottonen’, 51. For example, Henry II’s (1002–24) diplomas generally treated Charlemagne as simply one name in a litany of predecessors. A diploma for Aachen in 1005, however, only evoked Charlemagne and Otto III (983–1002). See Heinrici II. et Arduini Diplomata, MGH Dipl. Ger. (Berlin, 1957), iii, nos.

P. de Monsabert. -A. Vigneras, ‘L’Abbaye de Charroux et la légende du pèlerinage de Charlemagne’, Romanic Review, 32 (1941), 126; and Remensnyder, Remembering, 312. For more on Charroux, see Ch. 2 below. 70 Liber de Const. 1–6. 28 The Franks Remember Empire relics as well as its privileged place in God’s affections. Yet, even though the Privilegium is a foundation narrative for Charroux, it also fundamentally commemorates the ‘moment when the [True Cross] became paired with the king’. 71 An early twelfth-century vita of St William of Gellone made this slippage between relic and ruler quite clear.

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